Rare Book Monthly
Slavery in the United States <br> Chapter 3
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No citizen of the United States ought ever to wish to see such one-sided philanthropy as this practiced here, even if it were practicable. But it is not practicable. The southern states are not colonies, but in this respect sovereign and independent. There exists no constitutional right to justify such an invasion of property, and no power to enforce it. Happily, our government is strictly circumscribed within the limits of a written constitution. It is incapable, from its very nature, of violence and usurpation, and can act only in virtue of the majesty of the laws. Within that sphere, it is the strongest under the sun; without that sphere, the weakest. The attempt to apply coercive legislation, in the very teeth of the constitution, would inevitably produce resistance, civil commotion, and eventually, or directly, a separation of the Union. Would it then come under the definition of a good action? Would it promote the general happiness? The answer will be found in the details of its inevitable consequences.
All who are in the least acquainted with the universal feeling of the South, and who see the manner in which it meets every demonstration to interfere with this portion of its domestic policy, must know that such attempts will be resisted at all hazards. To the people of the South, this is no subject to be played at football with at pleasure; no theme for abstract declamation. It may be sport to us, but it is death to them. It is a question involving their feelings and their reputation; their domestic quiet; the peace of their household; their property, their safety, and that of their wives and children. It is a question, whether or not it is the right and the duty of the slave to rise and cut the throats of his master and family. Can it then be wondered at, or are the free citizens of the South to be reproached and denounced, if they receive such demonstrations with indignant impatience, and demand of the sister states that the incendiaries, who promulgate these doctrines, shall be checked in their career?
It may be, that the feelings of the South have been in some measure aggravated by political excitements; that there are men who use the slave question as a political stalking horse, with a view either to attain an influence in the general government, or failing in this, facilitating a separation of the Union, that they may rule over some one of the fragments. It is also possible there may be political leaders in another quarter who tolerate, if they do not encourage, the seeds of disunion, which by ultimately separating the South from the North, will restore their ancient supremacy in the confederation. All this may be true. Yet, independently of these causes, it must be obvious to all calm observers, that there is a common interest operating intensely in the southern states, which ever has, and ever will, produce a common feeling on this momentous subject. Touch it with a rude hand, and as sure as there is a sun in the heavens, they will "start madly from their spheres," and for ever alienate themselves from a union, which instead of protecting, assails their rights, in a manner equally injurious to their property, and insulting to their feelings. They will not argue the question —they will act, and promptly too, as men act in defense of all that is dear to men. If these premises are well founded, as no one can deny who has noticed the course of events, then there is no rational ground for believing, that immediate emancipation, either by a voluntary act, or by means of coercive legislation, will either now, or at any future period, result from the proceedings of the abolitionists. It remains, then, to inquire into the practicability of the slaves achieving it, by conspiracy, by insurrection, or servile war; by secret murder, or open resistance.
It is not among the least revolting consequences of the proceedings of the abolitionists, that they involve the necessity of inquiring into a subject so fraught with everything that can render it aggravating to the feelings of humanity. That the slaves may, at some not very distant period of time, be excited by the goadings of the abolitionists to the most desperate atrocities, is more than sufficiently probable: but that they will succeed in attaining their freedom by force, is beyond the reach of all rational anticipation. It is scarcely possible that a general conspiracy throughout all, or in any one of the southern states, could be formed and brought to maturity without discovery. It is scarcely possible, that if it were, any considerable number of them could provide themselves with arms; or that if they did, they could assemble in sufficient force to cope with their masters. They might consume their houses, desolate their fields, lay waste the country in various sections, and sacrifice by midnight assassinations hundreds of innocent women and children, as at the late insurrection in Lower Virginia, but they could go no further. The white men would soon assemble, and the sense of inferiority, which makes every slave a coward in the presence of his master, would come in aid of his superiority in all other respects. Not only this, but if it were necessary, it is confidently believed, there is not a citizen of any state of this Union, who is worthy of the name, that would not rush to the rescue of his brethren in the South. The most terrible retribution would be exacted of the incendiaries and murderers. No abstract dogma would protect them from utter annihilation. There would be no safety but in destroying them. The race of the black, like that of the red men, who once hunted within our borders, would become extinct, and modern philanthropy be compelled to seek new victims.
